Women want sex Casey

Added: Bernell Waldon - Date: 14.01.2022 20:27 - Views: 10596 - Clicks: 5828

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This argument over the problems women faced within the civil rights movement was further developed in the "kind of memo" written in by white civil rights workers Casey Hayden and Mary King. Their document proved not only a spark for internal debate within SNCC, but an important step in the early development of the women's movement.

We've talked a lot, to each other and to some of you, about our own and other women's problems in trying to live in our personal lives and in our work as independent and creative people.

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Maybe we can look at these things many of us perceive, often as a result of insights learned from the movement:. There seem to be many parallels that can be drawn between treatment of Negroes and treatment of women in our society as a whole. But in particular, women we've talked to who work in the movement seem to be caught up in a common-law caste system that operates, sometimes subtly, forcing them to work around or outside hierarchical structures of power which may exclude them.

Women seem to be placed in the same position of assumed subordination in personal situations too. This is complicated by several facts, among them: 1 The caste system is not institutionalized by law women have the right to vote, to sue for divorce, etc. Many people who are very hip to the implications of the racial caste system, even people in the movement, don't seem to be able to see the sexual caste system and if the question is raised they respond with: "That's the way it's supposed to be. There are biological differences. The caste system perspective dictates the roles ased to women in the movement, and certainly even more to women outside the movement.

And there are problems with relationships between white women and black women.

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Each of us probably has her own story of the variousand of the internal struggle occasioned by trying to break out of very deeply learned fears, needs, and self-perceptions, and of what happens when we try to replace them with concepts of people and freedom learned from the movement and organizing.

People are beginning tothink about and even to experiment with new forms in these areas. A very few men seem to feel, when they hear conversations involving these problems, that they have a right to be present and participate in them, since they are so deeply involved. At the same time, very few men can respond non-defensively, since the whole idea is either beyond their comprehension or threatens and exposes them.

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The usual response is laughter. The problems we're listing here, and what others have said about them, are therefore largely drawn from conversations among women only-and that difficulty in establishing dialogue with men is a recurring theme among people we've talked to. Consider this quote from an article in the centennial issue of [the liberal newsmagazine] The Nation:. However equally we consider men and women, the work plans for husbands and wives cannot be given equal weight.

A woman should not aim for "a second-level career" because she is a woman; from girlhood on she should recognize that, if she is also going to be a wife and mother, she will not be able to give as much to her work as she would if single. And that's about as deep as the analysis goes publicly, which is not nearly so deep as we've heard many of you go in chance conversations. The reason we want to try to open up dialogue is mostly subjective. Perhaps we can start to talk with each other more openly than in the past and create a community of support for each other so we can deal with ourselves and others with integrity and can therefore keep working.

Therefore, most of us will probably want to work full time on problems such as war, poverty, race. The very fact that the country can't face, much less deal with, the questions we're raising means that the movement is one place to look for some relief.

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Real efforts at dialogue within the movement and with whatever liberal groups, community women, or students might listen are justified. That is, all the problems between men and women and all the problems of women functioning in society as equal human beings are among the most basic that people face.

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We've talked in the movement about trying to build a society which would see basic human problems which are now seen as private troubles as public problems and would try to shape institutions to meet human needs rather than shaping people to meet the needs of those with power.

To raise questions like those above illustrates very directly that society hasn't dealt with some of its deepest problems and opens discussion of why that is so. The second objective reason we'd like to see discussion begin is that we've learned a great deal in the movement and perhaps this is one area where a determined attempt to apply ideas we've learned there can produce some new alternatives.

Their document proved not only a spark for internal debate within SNCC, but an important step in the early development of the women's movement We've talked a lot, to each other and to some of you, about our own and other women's problems in trying to live in our personal lives and in our work as independent and creative people.

Maybe we can look at these things many of us perceive, often as a result of insights learned from the movement: SEX AND CASTE There seem to be many parallels that can be drawn between treatment of Negroes and treatment of women in our society as a whole.

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Consider this quote from an article in the centennial issue of [the liberal newsmagazine] The Nation: However equally we consider men and women, the work plans for husbands and wives cannot be given equal weight.

Women want sex Casey

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